In a series of briefs, Roosevelt Institute Senior Fellow and Chief Economist Joseph Stiglitz analyzes the ins and outs of the proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership, explaining why it would structure the rules in ways that would harm the economy and American workers. View the briefs below: Part 1: Beware of TPP’s Investor–State Dispute Settlement Provision Part

Over the last 40 years, corporate influence and trickle-down ideology have pervaded the tax code, resulting in large tax breaks for corporations and the wealthy. These low rates have failed to deliver the widespread growth that was promised, and the results for the typical American have been disastrous: Wealth at the top skyrocketed with no

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Is the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) broken? Yes. But does that mean it is irrelevant for workers attempting to organize? No. As data in this paper shows, particularly when focused on certain demographic groups, labor unions are still using the NLRB, and in many cases, very effectively. This paper examines the use of the NLRB election process since 2000,

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More than 50 years since passage of the landmark 1964 Civil Rights Act, the little progress we have made as a country in ending job segregation by race and gender has stalled. As women and people of color make up a growing majority of America’s workforce, we must find new and innovative solutions to ending workplace

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We have a wage theft epidemic in our country, especially in the low-wage labor market, where too many workers are cheated out of their fair pay. There are many factors that contribute to the wage theft epidemic, from woefully under-resourced public enforcement agencies, to inadequate anti-retaliation protections for workers who come forward to enforce their

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This paper explores a new strategy for workplace-based worker organizations. The strategy is suggested by the contrast between the U.S. system of work regulation, in which regulations are administered by a number of different agencies, each with a relatively narrow jurisdiction, and the system prevailing in Southern Europe and Latin America, where a single agency administers the

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Fifty years after the Civil Rights Act of 1964 first prohibited racial and ethnic discrimination in employment, more remains to be done to fulfill the law’s promise of integration. Discrimination continues to be a consistent feature of American labor markets. Disparities in access to education, skills, training, networks, and mentoring contribute to inequalities and occupational segregation.

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Care workers, including both child care and hands-on direct care providers, number 5.5 million and are employed in some of the most dynamically growing and lowest-paying jobs in the American economy. Their “priceless” work, of such critical importance to families and society, rarely offers more than miserable wages and shoddy benefits. Improving these jobs and

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Metropolitan Coalitions

Today, the ever-more-attenuated relationship between workers and companies with economic power over their jobs creates obstacles for those who wish to expand opportunities for worker organizing, especially among low-wage workers. The ever more distant nature of the relationship between unions and communities makes those obstacles harder to surmount. Changing this landscape will require new strategies. Major

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For legal, social, and economic reasons, it is difficult for worker organizations to organize, bargain, and strike across entire contractual supply-chains, networks, industries, occupations, or regions. This paper proposes four large-scale reforms to diminish these difficulties and actively facilitate organizing and striking across multiple employers: First, an entity should be deemed an “indirect” employer of

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